4/10/1963 The NY Times' Tad Szulc reported that the Florida refugee groups subsidized by the CIA exploded with bitterness, charging the Kennedy administration with engaging in "coexistence" with the Castro regime.
4/11/1963 NYT reports:"MIAMI...The infiltration of Cuban agents...through Miami has increased in the last year...Waiver visas are issued...at the request of the numerous Cuban exile organizations here. These organizations, almost without exception, have been infiltrated by Castro agents."
4/18/1963 After JFK ordered an end to activities against Castro, a tract distributed in the exile community in Miami signed by "a Texan who resents the Oriental influence that has come to control, to degrade, to pollute and enslave his own people," read: "Only through one development will you Cuban patriots ever live again in your homeland as freemen...if an inspired Act of God should place in the White House within weeks a Texan known to be a friend of all Latin Americans...though he must under present conditions bow to the Zionists who since 1905 came into control of the United States, and for whom Jack Kennedy and Nelson Rockefeller and other members of the Council of [sic] Foreign Relations and allied agencies are only stooges and pawns. Though Johnson must now bow to these crafty and cunning Communist-hatching Jews, yet, did an Act of God suddenly elevate him into the top position [he] would revert to what his beloved father and grandfather were, and to their values and principles and loyalties." (Manchester, Death of a President; FBI Gemberling Report of May 15, 1964).
4/18/1963 While U.S. and British forces continued to round up anti-Castro rebels and boats, Dr. Jose Miro Cardona, head of the Cuban Revolutionary Council (CRC) in Miami, resigned in protest to the shift in U.S. policy. The Cuban Revolutionary Council had been created by the U.S. government prior to the Bay of Pigs as a provisional Cuban government to seize power when Castro was overthrown. It also served as an umbrella organization for the variety of Miami exile groups. The CRC's budget and funding came from the CIA. In the wake of Cardona's resignation, a spokesperson for the Cuban Revolutionary Council stated that the organization received " only " $972,000 a year (rather than $2,000,000 as previously reported) " and this sum is not even distributed by the council but by the Central Intelligence Agency with the help of a public accounting firm. " (" Spending Figure Disputed," New York Times (April 18, 1963)
In his April 18 resignation statement, which the New York Times headlined as an "Attack on Kennedy, " ("Cuban Exile Chief Quits With Attack on Kennedy, " New York Times (April 19, 1963) Miro Cardona said, "American Government policy has shifted suddenly, violently, and unexpectedly-as dangerously and without warning as on that other sad occasion [the Bay of Pigs], with no more reasonable explanation than Russia's note protesting the breaking of an agreement [Kennedy's agreement with Khrushchev, in exchange for the Soviet missiles' removal, that the U.S. would not invade Cuba] . " Cardona concluded from the confinement of Cuban exile raiders and the immobilization of their boats that " the struggle for Cuba was in the process of being liquidated by the Government. This conclusion, " he felt, " appears to be confirmed, strongly confirmed, with the announcement that every refugee has received his last allotment this month, forcing them to relocate." (" Statement by Dr. Miro Cardona on His Resignation From Cuban Exile Council, "published in full in the New York Times (April 19, 1963)
Associated Press reported on April 18 from Miami, "The dispute between the Cuban exile leaders and the Kennedy administration was symbolized here today by black crepe hung from the doors of exiles' homes."
4/20/1963 Nixon, in an address before the American Society of Newspaper Editors in Washington, criticized JFK for stopping the Cuban exile raids.
6/8/1963 William Pawley, of Life magazine, boards a CIA flying boat to rendezvous off the coast of Oriente province with his own yacht, the Flying Tiger II that will be used by exiles for a mission. He is accompanied by Rip Robertson, a Life photographer, Eddie Bayo, a respected veteran anti-Castro raider determined to lead a sortie into Cuba to liberate the Russian officers who supposedly want to defect to the US. These officers were said to know the location of Soviet nuclear missiles on the island, missiles that were never removed by the Soviet Union despite its commitment to do so. The plan is to meet up with the Flying Tiger II two days later with the Soviet officers in hand but Bayo and his comrades were never heard from again. This becomes known as the Bayo-Pawley affair. (Mahoney pp272-273)
6/15/1963 Customs agents arrived at an abandoned airfield south of Miami just before a twin-engine Beechcraft was about to be loaded with explosives, napalm and grenades. Sam Benton and four Cubans later caught at Lake Pontchartrain were briefly detained. (Miami Herald; Deadly Secrets 225)
7/22/1963 As cited in a CIA dispatch in July 1963, Manolo Ray's defensiveness among the exiles for his being a Kennedy ally only made matters worse. He told a presumably anti-Kennedy Cuban that he thought CIA agents "were more dangerous than the Kennedy administration. " He waded into still deeper water by adding, " The Kennedy administration would end but CIA agents always stayed, and their memory was longer than the memory of elephants and they never forgot or forgave. " (CIA dispatch, July 22, 1963; cited by Gaeton J. Fonzi and Elizabeth J. Palmer, "Junta Revolucionaria Cubana (JURE), “Appendix to Hearings Before the Select Committee on Assassinations of the U.S. House of Representatives (HSCA) Vol. 1 0: Anti-Castro Activities and Organizations, Investigation of the Assassination of President John F. Kennedy (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1979), p. 78.)
7/24/1963 A group of anti-Castro Cubans arrives in New Orleans from Miami and joins a training camp off Lake Ponchatrain. Members are from the International Anti-Communist Brigade, established by Frank Sturgis and Gerry Hemming. The Senate Intelligence Committee Report would later claim that "A," "life-long friend of AMLASH/Cubela," had helped procure explosives for the camp. "A" is Victor Espinosa Hernandez, who obtained the explosives from Richard Lauchli, cofounder of the paramilitary right-wing Minutemen. During the Garrison investigation, reports were received that OSWALD and Ferrie were seen at this camp. (Fonzi chronology p 420)
7/27/1963 St. Louis Globe Democrat reported that Washington had pressured Britain into stopping Cuban exiles from using bases in the Bahamas for raids against Cuba.
7/31/1963 FBI raid seizes more than a ton of dynamite, 20 bomb casings, napalm material, and other devices at the home of William Julius McLaney, a well known Havana gambler (and brother of Mike McClaney, former casino owner in Cuba) at Lacombe, La., in the Lake Ponchatrain, New Orleans area. Loren Eugene Hall, and supposedly, Ferrie is working with this group, not part of the IAB camp. No one is charged. Articles appear in the New Orleans Times-Picayune on Aug 1, 2, and 4, '63. FBI raided a Cuban-exile munitions dump near Lake Pontchartrain, Louisiana. (8/1 Times-Picayune) The FBI arrested eleven men at the site, but they were released without being charged. One was Sam Benton, a middleman between the Mob and Cuban exiles who was known for raising illegal funds. Also arrested was Minuteman Rich Lauchli, and Illinois arms dealer who had ties to the Chicago-based provisional Cuban government of Paulino Sierra. (Deadly Secrets 224-5)
Dave Reitzes: "...declassified documents prove that Lee Oswald was not the informant for the McLaney raid. While the individual's name is still classified, he was reporting to the FBI in Miami -- not to William Walter's New Orleans office -- and is described in one document as "a Miami businessman with numerous contacts among the Cuban population of South Florida . . ." FBI Report of William Mayo Drew, Jr., August 8, 1963, JFK Record No. 180-10076-10241.
Summer-Fall '63 - Raids and seizures apparently are commonplace in this period. Reports in the files of intelligence agencies in mid-1963, document a series of meetings among major leaders of the anti-Castro movement. These reports indicate that some of these leaders claimed the support of the US Govt. Such meetings followed the June '63 decision of the Special Group to step up various covert operations designed to encourage dissident groups inside Cuba, to worsen economic conditions in the country, and to cause Cubans to doubt the ability of the Castro regime to defend the country. (Book V Final Report of the [Senate] Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with respect to Intelligence Activities, 4/23/76; Memorandum for the Special Group, 6/19/63)
8/5/1963 Oswald first met Carlos Bringuier when he walked into Casa Roca, a retail clothing store. Bringuier was a leader in the anti Castro exile community. Bringuier was the New Orleans delegate of the Directorio Revolucionario Estudiantil (DRE), a group that a 1967 CIA memorandum described as " conceived, created, and funded by CIA . " (CIA memo, CIIR&A, Garrison and the Kennedy Assassination, June 1, 1967; cited by Newman, Oswald and the CIA, p. 325.)
A House Select Committee on Assassinations report said " the DRE was, of all the anti-Castro groups, one of the most bitter toward President Kennedy for his [Cuban Missile Crisis] 'deal' with the Russians. " (Appendix to Hearings before the Select Committee on Assassinations of the U.S. House of Representatives (HSCA) , vol. 10, Anti-Castro Activities and Organizations, Investigation of the Assassination of President John F. Kennedy (Washington: u.S. Government Printing Office, 1979), p. 82)
Former CIA agent E. Howard Hunt testified before the House Committee that the DRE was "run" for the CIA by David Phillips, (Summers, Not in Your Lifetime, p. 216; citing HSCA testimony of Howard Hunt, Pt. II, November 3, 1978, p. 29, released under JFK Records Act) the same CIA man behind the scenes who as " Maurice Bishop " had directed the Alpha 66 raids designed to push President Kennedy into war with Cuba. Carlos Bringuier's specific duties in New Orleans for the CIA-run DRE were, as he told both Lee Harvey Oswald and the Warren Commission, " propaganda and information. " (WCH, vol. 1 0, p. 3 6) The story that Carlos Bringuier told the Warren Commission about his interactions with Oswald gave no hint of the CIA background the two men had in common-the key to interpreting the drama Bringuier narrated. He began his account by describing Oswald as a suspicious, unannounced visitor on August 5 to the New Orleans clothing store Bringuier managed. He said Oswald told him he was against Communism, had been in the Marine Corps, and "was willing to train Cubans to fight against Castro . " Bringuier continued his story by saying he turned down Oswald, who he felt might be an infiltrator. Undeterred, Oswald returned the next day, and in Bringuier's absence left Oswald's Marine Corps training manual as a personal gift for the fight against Castro.
8/9/1963 After a street scuffle with anti-Castro Cubans led by Carlos Bringuier, Oswald was arrested. (H 22; CE 1413 [New Orleans Police report #H-4843-63]) Bringuier and two other Cubans were also arrested. The three Cubans raise bail of $25 each. Weisberg: "This handbill operation seems to have been designed for an arrest and a police record" to create a pro-Castro 'cover.' (Oswald in New Orleans 81) Officers involved in his arrest: William Gallot, Frank Hayward, Frank Wilson, Horace Austin, James Arnold, Warren Roberts, Lt. Francis Martello, FBI Agent Quigley. (Legend p350)
Bringuier said he was in his store when he was told about a demonstrator on Canal Street carrying a sign saying "Viva Fidel. " He and two Cuban friends rushed out and confronted the Fidel activist, who to Bringuier's anger turned out to be the same man who had been offering to help him fight Castro, Lee Harvey Oswald. Then, as Bringuier described the scene to Warren Commission assistant counsel Wesley J. Liebeler, " many people start to gather around us to see what was going on over there. I start to explain to the people what Oswald did to me, because I wanted to move the American people against him, not to take the fight for myself as a Cuban but to move the American people to fight him, and I told them that that was a Castro agent, that he was a pro-Communist, and that he was trying to do to them exactly what he did. to us in Cuba, kill them and send their children to the execution wall . . ."The people in the street became angry and they started to shout to him, 'Traitor! Communist! Go to Cuba ! Kill him ! ' and some other phrases that I do not know if I could tell in the record. " One of Bringuier's friends snatched Oswald's leaflets, tore them up, and threw them in the air. "And I was more angry, " Bringuier continued, "I took my glasses off and I went near to him to hit him, but when he sensed my intention, he put his arm down as an X. " Bringuier paused in his narrative to demonstrate to Liebeler the X Oswald had made by crossing his arms in front of him. Then Bringuier resumed: " [Oswald] put his face [up to mine] and told me, 'O.K. Carlos, if you want to hit me, hit me. " Ignoring in his story the almost friendly way in which Oswald had provoked him, Bringuier told Liebeler that he realized Oswald "was trying to appear as a martyr if I will hit him, and I decide not to hit him. " A few seconds later two police cars pulled up. The street scene between the coolly controlled "pro-Castro demonstrator" and his three "opponents, " all players in a script they had not written, was suddenly over. The police officers arrested Oswald, Bringuier, and his two Cuban friends, and took all four to a police station, where they were charged with disturbing the peace. Bringuier and his friends were released on bond, and Oswald spent the night in jail. The three Cubans eventually had their charges dismissed. Oswald pled guilty and was fined $ 10.00.